«Award-winning, linear proposal from Meloni. The government goes ahead. If the left takes refuge, it damages itself and Italy»- Corriere.it

Mario Segni, born in Sassari, class of 1939. Prominent name of the DC, then the Democratic Alliance, then the Segni Pact. In contrast with Aldo Moro on the historic compromise, a no to the vice presidency with Carlo Azeglio Ciampi as premier, against Silvio Berlusconi’s entry into politics. A more than demanding father, Antonio, president of the Republic from 1962 to 1964. He recently wrote a book, The coup of 1964, to counter the accusations of coup against his father. But his political history is linked above all to the battle, never abandoned, for the single-member system and therefore for the majority system.

You are the father of the attempt at majority reform. The referendums of 1991 and 1993 were a formidable one-two punch. Why did that process stop?
«Forget the third referendum, the one to abolish the proportional quota. He got 95 percent yes, but fell short by a handful of votes. About two million voters residing abroad had been added to the rolls at the last minute. There was no willful misconduct, if anything guilt… It was the beginning of a slowdown in the process which gave back to the citizens the choice of parliamentarians, then definitively mortified with the electoral reform of Calderoli, the Porcellum. Referendums were an attempt to restore rules to the political system, after the Degasper era».

Now, however, we are back to talking about presidential reform. Does Italy need it?
«Giorgia Meloni’s logic has its own linearity. But the blocked list that citizens actually find themselves approving is the triumph of the worst party politics. Even before talking about presidentialism or premiership, we need to choose the path of single-member constituencies. Let’s go back to the Mattarellum, enough with the parliamentarians appointed by the centers of power, we need representatives elected by the people. It’s an essential premise.”

And then? We are already at the controversy about the man or the woman alone in charge.
«There is an old phobia of Italians for strong institutions. On the other hand, forms are needed that encourage aggregation. I find the left’s closing in on the hedgehog absurd. I remember the commitment of Romano Prodi and Arturo Parisi for the majority. Without the push of Achille Occhetto there would never have been victories in the referendum. The dangers come from the chaos, from the fragmentation, from the malfunctioning of the institutions. Degasper’s centrism was the happiest period of our Republic. Bipolar and majority, the new Italy was born there, with GDP growing, on average, by 6.5 percent for twelve years”.

The phobia has its historical reasons.
«It is emotionally justified by twenty years of fascist dictatorship. But fascism came because there was a weak government. There was Facta, not a Giolitti or a De Gasperi. In making a wall, the left becomes a bit old again, after the analyzes of the Mill, after the thought of the French socialist Maurice Duverger on democracy. At the basis of the instability of our system is the emptying of parties, the cause of the populist wave. We need a principle: whoever governs gives way only after new elections at the end of the legislature. This concept has been completely lost.

So ahead with the reform?
“I think it is up to this government to do it. For the first time in a long time there is a winning coalition and an undisputed leader. It’s a good thing. They have learned to unite under what is left of the majority: the electoral law of the regions and municipalities. The referendum thrust is exhausted, it is up to the majority to move, enough with the improbable balancing act. Berlusconi was convinced that the single-member constituency favored the left, by virtue of a more prepared ruling class. But that’s not necessarily the case.”

Zero risk? Is the ballot or the single round better?
“We need a strong system of guarantees. Non-partisan people at the helm of the Authorities and woe to weaken the role of the Constitutional Court. I insist: a left that perches would make a great mistake and damage itself and Italy. The ballot sees me in favor in principle, but it is not so decisive ».

Doesn’t proposing the reform at the beginning of the legislature put the head of state in arrears?
“This amazed me. I believed that the first half of the journey would be occupied by economic and social problems. But now that it’s started, we need to move forward.”

Without an agreement we go to the referendum. The Italians have already rejected both Berlusconi and Renzi.
“In any case, it would not be good to avoid the referendum, it must certainly be addressed. Now, however, a debate is needed in the country, the greatest enemy of a reform is distrust. And instead there is really a climate of resignation and distrust. The blocked lists have destroyed the citizens’ interest».

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