European Breviary, here are the five commandments for Giorgia Meloni- Corriere.it

Giorgia Meloni’s first time in Europe, today in Brussels, will be more of a taste. The leaders of the Commission and the Council will welcome it with the respect due to elected politicians. After all, all the heads of government who sit at the European table are politicians like you. From this point of view, the anomaly was rather Draghi, who, moreover, did it brilliantly.
I won’t even have to explain to our Prime Minister, as once happened to Conte with a perplexed Angela Merkel, the complex alchemies that keep his government in placegiven that for the moment it enjoys a clear and large majority, which has come out of the polls.

For Giorgia Meloni she knows that the doubts about Italy that will be spread in the European institutions and in the governments of the other 26 member states. It would therefore do well to use this first contact to take the measurements of the dress to wear in Brussels. Because it may not always be the one sported in his debut as prime minister in Rome.
The first thing to remember is that all countries are sovereign in the Brussels assembly. European sovereignty is therefore a very different championship from the one it has played at home up to now.
Neither partner can be forced to suffer our national interest, perhaps by banging their proverbial fists on the table.. The only way to success is building a consensus. Other heads of government also have to deal with their public opinion, and are equally eager to show themselves capable of defending the interests of their respective electorates. Only a compromise can therefore bring an advantage to everyone.

The second truth, which follows from this, is that there is always a need for covenants. To build coalitions, providing or asking for support for shared solutions. Of course there are countries that matter more than others. Better to be allied with France or Germany than with Hungary. On the other hand, no government would do Italy any favors that could strengthen their respective internal oppositions.
The third truth is that asking for more Europe when we need it also involves accepting more rules. Giorgia Meloni has rightly called for common European action as the only possible and lasting solution to the gas crisis, since the Draghi government existed. Faced with global and cross-border emergencies, from energy to climate, there is nothing that nation states can solve on their own. But when you ask partners for cooperation that limits their sovereignty, in order to obtain a common good, you must know that sooner or later the same request will be made to you. Think about the reform of the Stability Pact. The toughest rule on debt reduction will fall, but the blessing for the most indebted countries certainly does not begin: the new center-right Italy will be called to bilateral negotiations, year after year, on debt reduction with the Commission (read Gentiloni).

The fourth point is that in the long run one cannot be Atlanticist and pro-Western, like Giorgia Meloni without a doubt, without also being pro-European, which the prime minister does not, or not yet. A Europe that is subordinate and dependent on the US would in fact be fragile, exposed to the winds of Washington’s internal politics, to changes in tenants in the White House, to changing American interests in the world. On the day that a more isolationist president were to arrive in Biden’s place, this truth would emerge strongly. The Meloni government must develop an original idea of ​​this as soon as possible, especially now that there is a strategic divergence in defense between France and Germany.

The fifth commandment is to give priority to what matters most to our national interest. Giorgia Meloni wanted to give a clear signal of the right-wing identity of her government in the first Council of Ministers, embracing the law and order agenda with Salvini. But in Europe it will rather have to move in continuity with the Draghi agenda. First of all, it is crucial to ensure that monetary policy is the same for everyone, protecting our debt from asymmetric spread attacks. It is essential to reopen the site of migration policies. In fact, even if we manage to close our ports to all NGOs, we could perhaps block 16% of the flow of people disembarking in Italy on those ships, according to the data provided yesterday to Corriere by Minister Piantedosi. But the remaining 84% can only be managed by obtaining greater solidarity between the countries of the Union. In Lampedusa today the situation is the same as always: landings, corpses and loneliness, as mayor Mannino says. And none of the thousands and more migrants who flock to the hotspot have arrived on an NGO boat.

Giorgia Meloni told Bruno Vespa that she prefers a confederal Europe. But the Europe of governments is also that of vetoes that have hitherto prevented the overcoming of national selfishness regarding the reception of migrants.
The new Italian government can exploit two favorable contingencies, partly inherited from the previous executive: the fall in the price of gas faster than expected, and the stronger than expected resistance of our economy, which registered + 0.5% in the third quarter. But both are strictly dependent on the policies that will be decided in Brussels. In Europe, the national interest is at stake. For the displays of muscle and identity there is always the Roman stage.
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