Unions and companies, the government to the test of the metalworkers (and of the national strike) – Corriere.it

Unions and companies, the government to the test of the metalworkers (and of the national strike) - Corriere.it

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The navigation was long and perilous but in the end the metalworkers’ unions came to jointly proclaim a national strike. The amount of hours was limited to four (Fiom wanted eight) and abstention from work will also feed on local demonstrations to be held in the Centre-North on 7 July and in the Centre-South on 10 July. But beyond the organizational details in this season of postponements, amnesia and evident confusion Roberto Benaglia, Michele Di Palma and Rocco Palombella, the three general secretaries of Fim-Fiom-Uilm take the responsibility of taking the field without ifs and buts. Not a nostalgia operation, the managers put their hands forward and we are certainly not in the twentieth century where the Flm even aspired to become the fourth confederation, but the strike of 7 and 10 ends up filling it with a certain substitute role.

Reconnections and splits

In fact, it should not be forgotten that the confrontation between the mother Confederations and the government has completely different itineraries and times. But while the differences, between a Cisl that appreciates the openness of the Meloni government’s method and a CGIL that often uses the unconstitutional adjective to stigmatize the executive’s choices, have risked splitting the unions once again, the metalworkers have able to mend the real and eventual tears. And so the hypothesis of a confederal general strike that could have been scheduled before the summer, or immediately after the recovery, for now is in the attic.

The themes

Cgil-Cisl-Uil and the government on the other hand have put a series of comparisons on the table such demanding issues (income protection, health, infrastructure and pensions) which in fact leads them to identify as an outlet not some more or less extemporaneous autumn measure but the large plot of the budget law at the end of the year. So no big news should come out of that table in the short term: thus the CISL will be able to take care of the collection of signatures for its popular initiative law on participation and the CGIL prepare two flagship appointments with demonstrations (June 24 on health and September 30 against the differentiated autonomy). Everything, at least at the calendar level, has chosen its place but Fiom-Fim-Uilm willy-nilly have taken on the task of keeping the executive’s behavior under observation and not loosening their grip. Not a small thing, even if obviously the themes of the engineering mobilization are more restricted and inevitably concentrated on the problems of the category.

The role of the Mimit

The expression that somehow serves to square the circle – and give weight to the strike – industrial policy and the accusation of the metalworkers in the government of having removed it. Great formal and diplomatic availability of Mimit, but at the same time inactivity of the already established tables and ultimately zero substance. The message is so clear that the minister Adolfo Urso immediately understood the risk of becoming the

punching bag of the union and even sent a summons for Monday 19 June. But now the games of the strike are overthe. And if we want to reflections of an internal nature of the union and those dedicated to relations with the Meloni executive, we can combine reasoning more of a structural nature than of negotiating tactics.

The competition

it is now increasingly evident that if there is a made in Italy of the future this cannot fail to include the mechanical sector, where, even adding up a series of niches, the national competitive advantage over the very aggressive European and Asian competitors is still a fact. And the metalworkers in their action are also strengthened by this background. There is no crisis in the sector, they argue: the districts and value chains are holding up, mechanical export rates are still high, what is missing is a public vision that accompanies these trends and where necessary (the digital and ecological transitions) make a change of pace.

The sovereign wealth fund

The sovereign fund dear to Urso, envisaged by the government bill on made in Italy, does not seem to have created enthusiasm within the trade unions who underline how it is not well known what objectives it sets and wonder how it can have an endowment (one billion euros) which enters into an almost lexical contradiction with the alleged sovereignty. Metalworkers regret the Industry 4.0 scheme which, mutatis mutandis, remains the winning example of a public policy capable of acting as a multiplier of private investments.

Open files

But the discussion on industrial policy is not only about method, it is also nourished by very concrete dossiers. In first place is the iron and steel industry and the Ilva rebus immediately comes into play. And the great traffic jam of the shareholders’ agreements between ArcelorMittal and the Italian state. The Taranto plant is made to travel with flat tires, says Benaglia (Fim-Cisl). According to him, the State must go to the majority before the deadline set for 2024, verify compliance with the commitments made with ArcelorMittal and, if not, embark other private operators as an alternative. Competent entrepreneurs are needed in the steel industry, the State is not enough. If Taranto the epicenter other shocks for the trade union platform are reported in the Piombino area for Jsw Steel Italy (the former Lucchini) and in Portovesme for SiderAlloys. In second place, despite the recent agreement reached in Electrolux, there are household appliances. Metalworkers propose reshoring policies to increase production e they still look with concern for the developments of the passage of the Whirlpool plants into the hands of the Turkish Arcelik.

The automotive case

Soon after we arrive at the automotive. The production of cars in Italy at 400,000 in a year, the constant drop in substance for 20 years and the delays in the ecological transition risk questioning another 70,000 jobs in the components sector. In the document announcing the strike there is no word Stellantis but it is clear that the metalworkers are also looking in that direction. There is an ad hoc table at the ministry but so far no news has arrived from that sphere that is considered significant on the models destined for Italy and on the role of related industries in the international redesign of the supply chain. Important investments are being made in Europe but Italy runs the risk of being cut off from those routes that favor France, Spain, Slovakia and Germany. The only one brought home was the gigafactory of Termoli but we want the government to provide a map of new opportunities and not just that of companies in crisis, comments Benaglia. On the delicate issue of Cdp’s entry into the shareholding structure of Stellantis, recently raised by Confindustria circles, there are different ideas in the union. With the Fiom more inclined and the Fim more skeptical. We had to think about it first and set up an equal model for Stellantis like Stm. Now it no longer makes sense. Italy should not be protected but promoted, argues Benaglia.

Consent

But in the middle of July and with inflation biting wages and consumption, will the workers answer the call of the FLM trio? The responses of the executives are cautious on the subject, but the mechanics have recently brought home an important result in terms of wages: the recovery of 6.6% of the so-called Ipca on non-imported inflation, an ex post safeguard clause which in the envelopes pay from June onwards will be worth 123 euros. And also by virtue of this “booty”, Di Palma, Palombella and Benaglia think that a signal of consensus on the platform can come from the factories.


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