Progressive hegemony against right-wing revenge. It will be the usual state TV but with reversed parts – Corriere.it

Land things would be like this: Italy a right-wing country with a left-wing culture, therefore every time the right wins the elections it must take back its own, and build a new common sense more corresponding to the real country. Ergo, he must occupy Rai. Now, the first thing to clarify that Rai and Cultura are not even remotely synonymous. Second: that the umpteenth change in direction and deputy direction of largely obscure officials will not change the history of Italian culture one iota. Third: what is everyone doing, simple friendship, or nepotism, each rewards his own; and on the other hand, even those who denounced the right’s assault on the Rai fort were scandalized, implicitly recognizing that the left had barricaded itself in that fort.

Then, every age has the culture it deserves. In the 1990s Berlusconi brought to Parliament a package of professors from the left, Colletti, Melograni, Vertone, Rebuffa, or from the liberal world, Pera, Urbani, Martino. It didn’t last long, but it was a little ’56; other than the modest risk of the armchairs underway today in Viale Mazzini. From then on, not much happened. On the contrary. When we talk about right-wing culture we always end up with the usual two/three names, on which reporters are scrambling to build their backstory, Marcello Veneziani and Pietrangelo Buttafuoco in the front row: characters now so independent and secluded, unmanageable or deranged as they define themselves, that nobody ever calls them (and once again both deny having been contacted to succeed Augias in his book program, as far as books are concerned). have read a lot).

Buttafuoco even rejects the idea that a rematch is necessary of right-wing culture, because in his opinion this has always demonstrated a superior quality: Vittorini was a better writer who did not want to publish The Leopard or Tomasi di Lampedusa who had written it? Does Italian cinema owe more to Benigni or Pietro Germi and Federico Fellini, who certainly weren’t communists? Will we remember Carlo Cassola or Giuseppe Berto? The only difference is the lighting: in the Rai of the past Corrado invited Carmelo Bene to Domenica In, today Fazio would never do it.

His idea that right-wing culture is by nature nonconformist. Symbolized by a famous cartoon by Guareschi in which, returning from a German concentration camp, he asks: Where is the world going?; On the left, everyone answers him. And he mutters: Then I’m going to the right. It would be this unconventionality that has overshadowed it in editorial and academic power. And Veneziani adds, as a contributory cause, an individualism which on the right has always prevented the collective intellectual functioning of Gramsci’s memory.

Then we should establish what the right is, what the left is to put it to Gaber. Especially today. The pro-Putin past of the new strong man in Rai, Giampaolo Rossi, could, for example, unite the left of Michele Santoro and the right of Francesco Borgonovo. While the patrol of conductors of undisputed leftist pedigree but now of the pentastellato rite, seems to be appreciated by the new right, so much so that it will retain ample space in a Rai already defined by many as yellow-black.

The one that really risks sunset avenue this time rather that optimistic and leftist idea, as Lucio Dalla sang, according to which history has a single direction, always goes towards progress, and for this reason whoever is not with the progressives against history. A blackmail that has always had a strong influence on the intellectual classes, and which is probably the real key to the so-called cultural hegemony of the left. the anathema of beautiful souls, as Pierluigi Battista defines it in his new forthcoming book: whoever does not line up as a deserter, puts himself on the run in front of destiny, reveals himself incapable of acting in the world, according to Hegel’s excommunication. Or opens the door to the new fascism, as we read today.

The year 2000, with the great rupture of the attack on the Twin Towers, marked the end of this positivist paradigm, says Gaetano Quagliariello, who this year celebrates the twentieth anniversary of the Magna Carta Foundation. Translated into a nutshell Rai: the end of the hegemony of the Democratic Party. And in fact it is his casemates that are wobbling, the living rooms in which the handbook of the true progressive was built with books, songs and good feelings.

And yet, apart from the round of armchairs, you will see that in the end it will be much ado about nothing. To paraphrase a famous aphorism: the revolution in Rai cannot be done, everyone knows each other. I therefore doubt that we will have fictions on fascism or investigations on ethnicity, which among other things would also suit us in a pluralist Rai, if done with professionalism and rigor. More probable that it will all be a guest, a
turnover
of experts, a nouvelle vague of commentators. The usual Rai. Only with reversed parts

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